Letter to the Editor of the Financial Times of March 16, 2016
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pro-re-publica.de
2016 03 17
"Sir,
the article on Cyprus written by Peter Spiegel and published in the
"Financial Times" of March 15, 2016, calls for a reply.
Whoever bases ideas about the Cyprus conflict on a story
of the island having been devided by the Turkish invasion of 1974, helps
preventing the only solution promising permanent peace, which is
recognition of two sovereign States of Cyprus. This is the only
promising solution because of the claim for sovereignty over
Cyprus including its Turkish inhabitants strictly pursued by the Greek
party since the 1950ies until this day with utmost stringency and
without the slightest consideration for the even vital interests of
the Turkish Cypriots. It also offers the only chance of uniting the
conflicting Greek and Turkish Cypriots in some sort of a federation,
based on their equality and true mutual interests.
The Greek claim for ruling the Turks of Cyprus has no basis in history
or reality. It is founded on nothing but the greater number of Greeks in
the island and - if not expressly so - on their purported cultural,
economic, and religious superiority. The majority arguments would
entitle Turkey to claim the whole of Cyprus for itself because the
number of Turks in the eastern mediterranean area including the islands
close to its shores exceeds that of Greeks. And a claim of cultural,
economic or religious superiority does not constitute sovereignty but is
bound to produce civil or even international war. The Greek attitude has
created and maintains the Cyprus conflict since it arose in the context
of the nationalist movement of the 19th century. It reached a peak in
Greek atrocities against Turkish Cypriots in the 1950ies together with
the burning down of many of their villages in the island. This attitude
was confirmed publicly by their Archbishop Makarios at the same time
when he and the Greek leadership signed, and purported to agree with, a
Cyprus constitution of 1960. This constitution was designed to establish
a state of Cyprus (which had never existed before) on condition of
sepcific political rights being granted to the Turkish Cypriots. While
this constitution was guaranteed in an international treaty with Great
Britain as one of the guarantor states, the Greek leadership believed
that the West (including Britain) would allow them to get rid of the
Turkish rights soon. This belief did not fail. When the Greek Cypriot
signatories to the constitution did away with the Turkish rights at
gunpoint in 1963/1964 (thus proving the republic of 1960 a failed state
and a fraud, at best as a self-deception) and tried to break any
resistance by fordce of arms, the United Nations Organization came to
the aid of the Greek usurpers. The UN not only recognized an exclusively
Greek republic of Cyprus but also its title to sovereignty over the
Turks of the island, ignoring the Greek breach of the constitution of
1960. The poorly equipped Turkish minority had, however, bravely and
successfully resisted Greek strife for sovereignty in parts of the
island for ten years, suffering great hardships afflicted on them by
Greek arms and by means of a Greek embargo, when, in 1974, a Greek
military force tried to establish that sovereignty once and for all by
invading the island. At this stage, Turkey as one of the guarantor
states mentioned came to the help of the Turkish Cypriots, who were now
able to finalize the creation of
their own republic in the North of the island.
In view of the continued Greek usurpatory demand, the position thus
created would constitute the solution of the conflict, were it not for
continued international discrimination and an international embargo
entertained against the Turkish republic of Cyprus. It is the position
maintained by the UN (and by Britain and by the EU) that practically
obliges the Greek conflicting party to continue their policy aimed at
subjugating the Turks of Cyprus. Looking at the complete story of the
conflict, it is most likely that the Turks of Cyprus and Turkey will
never accept Greek superiority over Cyprus permanently. Even if Greek
sovereignty were forced upon the Turkish side and even if it would be
limited by another international agreement, there is no hope that the
Greek conflicting party would not again use all its efforts and cunning
to get rid of such limitations. On the other hand, the Greek conflicting
party, should it lose the support of the United Nations or even of the
EU or Britain, will most likely, in its own interest, give up its
resistance against the establishment of the Turkish state of Cyprus, be
it in return for some concessions to be made by the Turkish side.
Therefore, the story criticised here is bound to prolong the conflict
indefinitely and to lead to a return of strife and bloodshed in the
island which is presently prevented through the presence of Turkish
troops. Moreover, a resurgence of strife in Cyprus would endanger any
peace that may be created in the eastern mediterranean area in the future.
(For more reading: vide http://cy.pro-re-publica.de, part of which is in
English language.)
Sincerely
Christian Heinze"